Alexander Kerensky

Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky was a Russian lawyer, orator, and revolutionary who became a central figure in the dramatic political upheavals of 1917. Serving first as Minister of Justice, then Minister of War, and finally as Prime Minister of the Russian Provisional Government, he presided over the short-lived Russian Republic in the months between the February Revolution and the Bolshevik seizure of power. His attempts to balance revolutionary expectations with the demands of wartime governance ultimately failed, and after the October Revolution he spent the remainder of his life in exile, dividing his time between Europe and the United States.

Early Life and Influences

Kerensky was born on 4 May 1881 in Simbirsk (now Ulyanovsk) into an educated and socially mobile family. His father, Fyodor Mikhailovich Kerensky, worked as a schoolteacher and later as inspector of public schools; his mother, Nadezhda Aleksandrovna, came from a family that had risen from serf origins into the merchant class. His paternal grandfather was an Orthodox priest in the village of Kerenka, from which the family name derives.
The Kerenskys were acquainted with the Ulyanov family of the future Vladimir Lenin. Kerensky’s father taught Lenin at the Simbirsk gymnasium and later supported his admission to the University of Kazan. In 1889 the Kerenskys moved to Tashkent, where Alexander completed his schooling before enrolling at St Petersburg University in 1899. Initially studying history and philology, he soon shifted to law, graduating in 1904.
His early political consciousness developed through involvement with Narodnik circles. Working as a defence lawyer during and after the Revolution of 1905, he earned a reputation for representing political dissidents. Though briefly arrested in 1904, he gained prominence through his advocacy in state security cases. In 1912 he drew national attention by travelling to the Lena goldfields and publicising the circumstances of the Lena massacre, sharpening his critique of the Tsarist state.
Kerensky entered the Fourth State Duma in 1912 as a member of the Trudoviks, a moderate socialist group aligned with but distinct from the Socialist Revolutionary Party. With the assistance of party supporters who purchased him property to meet eligibility requirements, he became one of the Duma’s most compelling orators. He was also active in Freemasonry, serving as Secretary-General of the liberal and anti-monarchist Grand Orient of Russia’s Peoples until 1917.
During the First World War Kerensky proved an outspoken critic of the regime. In 1915 he helped articulate the Progressive Bloc’s demands for political reform, including amnesty for political prisoners, expanded minority rights, and constitutional guarantees. His speeches in the Duma in 1916, especially his attacks on the court centred on Grigori Rasputin, further established him as a leading voice of opposition.

The February Revolution and Dual Power

When the February Revolution broke out in Petrograd in 1917, Kerensky emerged as one of the few politicians trusted by both moderate socialists and liberal constitutionalists. He joined the Provisional Committee of the State Duma while simultaneously being elected vice-chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, positioning him uniquely between the two centres of authority that defined the “dual power” period.
As a member of the Soviet Executive Committee (Ispolkom), Kerensky participated in decisions that sought to democratise the military through elected soldiers’ committees. The issuance of Petrograd Soviet Order No. 1—initially directed at garrison troops but widely interpreted as applicable throughout the army—severely undermined officers’ authority. Kerensky’s precise role in drafting the order is debated, but his position in both government and Soviet enabled him to shape the evolving structure of power.
In the Provisional Government formed in March, Kerensky was appointed Minister of Justice. His liberalising measures included abolishing capital punishment in civilian courts and releasing thousands of political prisoners. In May he became Minister of War, a position that placed him at the centre of Russia’s faltering war effort.

Minister of War and the Kerensky Offensive

Despite widespread war-weariness and the growing strength of anti-war sentiment, Kerensky insisted that revolutionary Russia must honour its commitments to the Allies. In July 1917 he launched what became known as the Kerensky Offensive, an attempt to revive morale and achieve a decisive breakthrough against the Central Powers. Initial success quickly collapsed, leading to catastrophic losses and accelerating the disintegration of the Russian army.
Politically, the failure of the offensive severely damaged the Provisional Government. The unrest that followed in Petrograd, including the July Days, further undermined confidence in Kerensky’s leadership. After these events he became Prime Minister, forming a cabinet that struggled to reconcile competing pressures from radical socialist forces and conservative elements demanding order.

Prime Minister of the Russian Republic

Kerensky’s brief premiership was dominated by the challenge of maintaining authority amid deteriorating military discipline, economic collapse, and escalating political polarisation. In September he proclaimed Russia a republic, formalising the political transformation initiated in February. He also reintroduced capital punishment at the front in a last effort to curb disobedience.
The attempted coup by General Lavr Kornilov in August–September 1917 marked a decisive turning point. Although Kerensky denounced Kornilov’s actions as counter-revolutionary, his reliance on armed support from the Petrograd Soviet—including Bolshevik-led units—restored the position of his political rivals. The Bolsheviks capitalised on the crisis, gaining control of the Soviets and intensifying calls for a transfer of power.

The October Revolution and Exile

Kerensky attempted to preserve his government through emergency measures, but on 7 November 1917 (Old Style 25 October), Bolshevik forces seized key points in Petrograd and overthrew the Provisional Government. Kerensky fled the capital, attempting unsuccessfully to rally troops loyal to his administration.
He eventually escaped Russia and spent the remainder of his life in exile. He lived in Paris for many years before relocating to the United States during the Second World War. From 1955 he worked at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University, contributing to studies on revolutionary Russia and reflecting on his own role in the events of 1917.
He died on 11 June 1970, leaving behind a controversial historical legacy. To some he embodied the democratic aspirations of the February Revolution; to others he represented the indecision and contradictions that hastened its collapse.