Bal Thackeray

Bal Thackeray (23 January 1926 – 17 November 2012) was an Indian cartoonist and political leader best known as the founder of the Shiv Sena, a far-right, pro-Marathi and Hindu nationalist party active primarily in the state of Maharashtra. Over several decades he developed an influential, controversial, and highly personalised style of leadership that shaped the politics of Mumbai and contributed significantly to the evolution of right-wing movements in India.
Thackeray’s public career began in the world of political cartooning, but his strong regionalist views, shaped by his familial background and the linguistic reorganisation debates of the 1950s and 1960s, eventually drew him into full-time activism. Despite never contesting elections or holding any formal office, he exercised substantial influence over Maharashtra’s political and administrative landscape, and remained an important figure in Indian public life until his death in 2012.

Early Life and Family Background

Bal Keshav Thackeray was born in Pune into a Marathi Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhu family. His father, Keshav Sitaram Thackeray, popularly known as Prabodhankar Thackeray, was a journalist, social reformer and a leading figure in the Samyukta Maharashtra movement, which campaigned for the creation of a unified Marathi-speaking state. His writings, advocacy of Marathi linguistic pride, and promotion of Hindu cultural identity profoundly shaped Bal Thackeray’s later ideological positions.
Prabodhankar admired the British writer William Makepeace Thackeray and adopted the anglicised surname “Thackeray”, replacing the family’s original surname “Thakre”. He also founded the magazine Prabodhan, in which he advanced nationalist and Hindu revivalist thought. This environment consistently exposed Bal Thackeray to political debate and cultural activism from an early age.
Bal Thackeray was the eldest of eight siblings, including Shrikant Thackeray, father of later politician Raj Thackeray. Family networks played a significant role in Maharashtra’s political sphere, as several members participated in cultural and political activities. Although Raj Thackeray eventually left the Shiv Sena to form the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena in 2006, he continued to acknowledge Bal Thackeray as a key ideological influence.

Career as a Cartoonist

Thackeray’s professional career began with The Free Press Journal in Mumbai, where his cartoons drew attention for their satirical and often sharply political tone. His work also appeared in The Times of India’s Sunday edition. Differences with his editors eventually led him to leave the publication, alongside a small circle of colleagues, to establish a short-lived daily titled News Day.
In 1960, Thackeray and his brother Srikant launched Marmik, a weekly magazine that combined political cartoons with commentary on issues affecting the Marathi-speaking population. Marmik focused on unemployment, the decline of local industries and migration into Mumbai, frequently portraying these issues through the lens of Marathi regionalism. Its office in Ranade Road soon became a gathering space for Marathi youth, many of whom resonated with its assertive tone.
Thackeray later remarked that Marmik served not only as a forum for cartooning but as the ideological seedbed of the future Shiv Sena. A Marmik issue published in June 1966 first announced membership for the organisation that would rapidly transform into a formidable political outfit.

Founding of the Shiv Sena and Political Rise (1966–1998)

The Shiv Sena was formally founded on 19 June 1966. Its name, translating to “Shivaji’s Army”, referenced the 17th-century Maratha ruler Chhatrapati Shivaji, symbolising martial pride and regional identity. Initially presented as a cultural organisation rather than a political party, the Sena focused on securing employment and opportunities for Marathi speakers under the sons-of-the-soil ideology.
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, the party drew substantial support from working-class Maharashtrians, particularly those affected by industrial restructuring and the decline of the textile mills. Thackeray’s rhetoric targeted migrant communities, especially South Indians and Gujaratis, whom he alleged were dominating local employment. Lists of corporate officials with non-Marathi names published in Marmik intensified the appeal of this message.
Key organisational assistance came from Madhav Mehere, Babasaheb Purandare and Madhav Deshpande, who helped build the party structure, expand its local presence and manage financial operations. By the mid-1970s the Shiv Sena had established branch offices across Mumbai, positioning itself as an arbiter in labour disputes and local grievances.
The party’s methods often included confrontational street politics, and violence was associated with some of its agitations. Thackeray publicly supported Indira Gandhi during the Emergency (1975–1977), a stance that caused internal dissent, exemplified by the resignation of senior leader Dr Hemchandra Gupte.
By the 1980s the Sena had displaced left-wing unions in Mumbai and emerged as a powerful force competing directly with the Indian National Congress. In 1989 Thackeray launched the daily newspaper Saamna, which became the Sena’s principal mouthpiece.

Role in the 1992–1993 Mumbai Riots and Growing Influence

Following the demolition of the Babri Masjid in December 1992, Mumbai experienced violent communal riots. Thackeray adopted a pronounced Hindutva line during this period. Subsequent investigations, including the Srikrishna Commission, referred to his alleged role in inciting violence, although he did not face substantial legal consequences.
The Shiv Sena entered a formal alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the 1990s, and the coalition won the Maharashtra state elections in 1995. Although Manohar Joshi served as the Chief Minister, Thackeray described himself as the “remote-control” authority, symbolising his dominance over the government without occupying official office.
The party also became notable for its interventions in the film industry, at times opposing films that depicted sensitive issues or appeared critical of its ideology. Protests organised by Sena workers occasionally led to disruptions in film screenings.

Later Developments (1999–2012)

In 1999 the Election Commission barred Thackeray from voting or contesting elections for six years for seeking votes on religious grounds. In 2000 he was arrested for alleged involvement in the 1992–1993 riots but was released because the statute of limitations had expired.
Throughout the 2000s he remained an influential figure, issuing provocative statements, such as calling for the creation of Hindu suicide squads to counter terrorism. His authority within the Shiv Sena remained unchallenged despite factional tensions and organisational changes.
Thackeray continued contributing cartoons to Saamna until 2012. His health deteriorated in his final years but his political presence, though informal, remained strong. His death in November 2012 prompted a state funeral, an honour seldom accorded to non-office-holding political leaders in India, reflecting his exceptional prominence in Maharashtra’s public life.

Political Ideology and Public Image

Bal Thackeray’s political ideology combined Marathi regionalism, Hindu nationalism and strong anti-communist sentiment. Critics frequently described his style as authoritarian, populist and confrontational. The Shiv Sena’s use of aggressive street politics contributed to its reputation as a far-right organisation, and some observers drew parallels with chauvinist political movements elsewhere.
Yet to many supporters he represented a guardian of Marathi identity, a champion of local employment concerns and a decisive leader unafraid to challenge established parties. His speeches, marked by sharp humour and provocative commentary, contributed to his mass appeal.
Thackeray’s influence extended far beyond electoral politics. As a cultural symbol, he shaped the identity of Mumbai’s Marathi-speaking population, moulded the direction of regional politics and left an imprint on the nature of right-wing mobilisation across India. His successors within the Shiv Sena, as well as breakaway factions, continue to invoke his legacy in contemporary political discourse.