Answers: GS Mains Test Series – 2016 : GS Paper-2 (Set-2)

1.       To what extent, the doctrine of basic structure has established the Judicial Supremacy in the area of “amendment of the Constitution”? Explain.

The Constitution makers had given the power to amend the Constitution in the hands of the Parliament by making it neither too rigid nor too flexible with a purpose that the Parliament will amend it as to cope up with the changing needs and demands of “we the people”. The Parliament in exercise of its constituent power under Article 368 of the Indian Constitution can amend any of the provisions of the Constitution and this power empowers the Parliament to amend even Article 368 itself.

However, The Doctrine of Basic Structure, which is a judge made doctrine was formulated in order to put a limitation on the amending powers of the Parliament so that the basic structure of the basic law of the land cannot be amended in exercise of its constituent power under the Constitution. In the Golaknath Case, the Indian parliament was incapacitated to amend any fundamental right, guaranteed in the Constitution, while in Kesavananda case, the amendment power of Parliament was recognized, but was limited to the extent that it would not take away the basic structure of the Constitution. Thus, any amendment which is against the basic structure, may be declared ultra vires to constitution by judiciary. This way, the Judiciary has tied the hands of the parliament with respect to amending powers of the parliament in the name of ‘Basic Structure Doctrine’.

2.       Critically examine the concept of Socio-economic rights enshrined under the Constitution of India.

The basic constitutional scheme for realizing Socio-Economic Rights is laid down in Parts III and IV of the Constitution. Entrenched and justiciable Fundamental Rights enshrined in Part III provide constitutional guarantee of these basic human rights as being inalienable and not subject to  political vicissitudes. Directives for realization and effectuation of the ideology of Part III are contained in Part IV i.e. the Directive Principles of State Policy. These Directives though non – justiciable theoretically permeate the whole ethos of Part III. Synthesis and integration of Fundamental Rights with Directive Principles in the judicial process of constitutionalizing social and economic rights has been crucial in giving impetus to the pace of realization of the Directive Principles not only as a means to effectuate Fundamental Rights, but also as a source of law for a welfare state.

Indian Constitution indeed makes a strong commitment to promoting the well-being of its citizens.  However, as to the actual effectiveness and the manner in which the great phrases of the Constitution are translated into action are yet not in consonance with its pledge to the poor and the deprived.  We are yet to practically achieve an uncompromising respect for human dignity, an unquestioning commitment to equality and non-discrimination, and an over-riding concern for the poorest and the weakest in society as a nation.

3.       “Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has played such a role in India’s justice system that it could achieve those objectives which could hardly be achieved through conventional private litigation.” Explain giving suitable examples.

PIL is working as an important instrument of social change. It is working for the welfare of every section of society. The innovation of this legitimate instrument proved beneficial for a developing country like India. PIL has been used as a strategy to combat the atrocities prevailing in society. It’s an institutional initiative towards the welfare of the needy class of the society.

A few examples to quote the importance of PIL are-

• In BandhuMuktiMorcha vs. Union of India, SC ordered for the release of bonded labourers.
• In Murli S. Dogra vs. Union of India, court banned smoking in public places.
• In a landmark judgement of Delhi Domestic Working Women’s Forum vs. Union of India, Supreme Court issued guidelines for rehabilitation and compensation for the rape on working women.
• In Vishaka vs. State of Rajasthan Supreme court has laid down exhaustive guidelines for preventing sexual harassment of working women in place of their work.

PIL is definitely a boon, wherein vigilant citizens of the country can find an inexpensive legal remedy because there is only a nominal fixed court fee involved in this. Also, the litigants can focus attention on and achieve results pertaining to larger public issues, especially in the fields of human rights, consumer welfare and environment.

4.      While keeping recent examples in perspective, critically examine the conflict between Legislature, Executive and Judiciary with regard to their encroachment upon one another.

Our constitution is a very well-built document. It has assigned different roles to all the three wings of governance- the legislature, executive and the judiciary. There is no ambiguity about each wing’s powers, privileges and duties. Parliament has to enact law, Executive has to enforce them and the judiciary has to interpret them. There is supposed to be no overlapping or overstepping.

However, in the recent past, there has been an over-stepping by every wing on the other and there has resulted an encroachment upon the territory of the other which definitely nullifies the ideal of Separation of Powers.

An example of overreach can be cited of Lok Sabha Speaker, Somnath Chatterjee who accused the Judiciary for interfering in the legislative matters and stated publicly that ‘everyone has to remain within the Laxman Rekha of the Constitution’.

Further examples can be cited such as government’s decision to question the appointment of Gopal Subramanium as Supreme Court judge, judiciary deciding on a rather wide range of matters like whether centre should have imposed president’s rule in a particular state to whether IPL matches should be played on Wankhede stadium in view of Maharashtra’s drought.

Some tension between executive and judiciary is inevitable and even good because their jurisdictions are not watertight. While parliament has the unfettered right to pass laws, the courts have the right to check if these laws are in tune with the basic structure of the constitution. This creative tension keeps both the executive and the judiciary on guard – and mutually accountable. But if this tension degenerates into open war and ego tussles, it can be ruinous for the country and governance.

5.       To what extent, the doctrine of pith and substance introduces flexibility into otherwise rigid scheme of the distribution of legislative powers in the constitution? Discuss.

The Parliament and the State Legislature must legislate within the constitutional limits specified in the three lists- Union, State and Concurrent. The Doctrine of Pith and Substance borrowed from the Canadian Constitution envisages that the legislation as a whole be examined to ascertain its true nature and character. Therefore, the doctrine introduces great flexibility in the otherwise rigid division of powers.

The basic purpose of this doctrine is to determine under whichhead of power or field i.e. under which list (given in the Seventh Schedule) a given piece of legislation falls.

Pith means ‘true nature’ or ‘essence of something’ and Substance means ‘the most important or essential part of something’.

Doctrine of Pith and Substance says that where the question arises of determining whether a particular law relates to a particular subject (mentioned in one List or another), the court looks to the substance of the matter. Thus, if the substance falls within Union List, then the incidental encroachment by the law on the State List does not make it invalid.

The doctrine has been applied in India also to provide a degree of flexibility in the otherwise rigid scheme of distribution of powers. The reason for adoption of this doctrine is that if every legislation were to be declared invalid on the grounds that it encroached powers, the powers of the legislature would be drastically circumscribed.

6.      “The proposed Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Amendment) Bill, 2016 seeks to undo much of the good the original act sought to achieve.” Critically examine keeping in focus on: (1) issues faced in appointment of Lok Pal. (2) issues related to disclosure of assets by public servants.

The Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Amendment) Bill, 2016 which was passed recently, is supposed to have fundamentally diluted the Lokpal Act as it has done away with the statutory requirement of public servants to disclose the assets of their spouses and dependent children. The bill has also dispensed with the statutory requirement of public disclosure of these statements.The amendment bill also allowed for a change in the form and manner of disclosure of assets and liabilities of public servants, leaving it to the central government to prescribe them through rules.

With respect to the issue in the appointment of Lokpal, it enables the leader of the single largest opposition party in the Lok Sabha in the absence of a recognised Leader of Opposition to be a member of the selection committee that would select the ombudsman.

The rights activists who have championed the cause of having a stronger ombudsman, believe that the Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Amendment) Bill, 2016 has undone much of the good the original act sought to achieve. The amendments are rather counterproductive, wherein the government might not have any real intention of allowing the watchdog to emerge.

7.       Critically evaluate the role played by the judiciary in protecting women’s rights in India.

In our Country, Judiciary is known as the independent wing of government. This Independent Judiciary has two role 1) the traditional role i.e. to interpret the laws , and another is 2) Judicial activism i.e. to go beyond the statute and to exercise the discretionary power to provide justice.

Through judicial activism, judiciary has made immense contribution to strike the balance between discrimination caused to the working women and availing them of justice against such discrimination.

In Air India vs. Nargesh Meerza, the Air India and Indian Airlines Regulation were challenged as violative of Article 14. Regulation 46 provided that an air Hostess was to retire from service upon attaining the age of 35 years or on marriage if it took place within four years of her joining service or on first pregnancy, whichever occurred earlier. The Supreme court struck down the Regulation providing for retirement of the Air Hostess on her first pregnancy, as unconstitutional, void and violative of Article 14.

In Vishakha vs. State of Rajasthan, Vishakha, a non-governmental organization working for gender equality, had filed a writ petition seeking the upholding of the fundamental rights of working women under Article 21 of the constitution. The immediate reason for the petition was the gang rape of a saathin (a social worker involved in women’s development programme) of Rajasthan in 1992. Supreme Court provided a landmark judgment on the area of sexual harassment against women.

In Shah Banocase, the Supreme Court declared that a Muslim husband having sufficient means must provide maintenance to his divorced wife who is unable to maintain herself. Such a wife is entitled to the maintenance even if she refuses to live with Muslim husband because he has contracted another marriage within the limits of four wives allowed to him by Quran.

8.      While keeping in view two years of its existence, critically examine if NITI Aayog has been able to bring seminal change in developmental policy making and establishing the bottom-up setup as opposed to the top-down approach that Planning Commission was in famous for.

The government set up NITI Aayog, a think-tank replacing the Planning Commission. The Planning Commission, established by Jawaharlal Nehru was criticised for being a Socialist era vestige, which became irrelevant in a more globalised and market-focussed economy.

NITI Aayog has been set up in order to provide a critical directional and strategic input into the development process. It will act as a “think-tank” and advise the Centre and states on policy matters. The Aayog seeks to end slow and tardy implementation of policy, by fostering better Inter-Ministry coordination and better Centre-State coordination. It will also monitor and evaluate the implementation of programmes.

NITI which stands for National Institution for Transforming India is a game changer to erstwhile Planning Commission as it will usher in co-operative federalism. The term co-operative federalism denotes a two-way relationship between the Centre and state governments in matters related to economic policy and development. NITI Aayog is expected to stay by the true spirit of such a federal structure.

A key difference NITI Aayog has from the Planning Commission is in its constitution. The new body has state chief ministers and lieutenant governors as members in the governing council.

The Mechanism of the Planning commission was a one way communication, whereas NITI Aayog believes in two way communication.

In the two years of its existence, besides promoting co-operative federalism, it has also led to empowerment of states by involving states in various policy formulations and implementations.

9.      Is Right to Health on lines of Right to Education feasible in India? Discuss keeping in view the call made by draft National Health Policy, 2015.

National Health Policy 2015 is a first step in achieving universal health coverage by advocating health as a fundamental right, whose “denial will be justifiable”.

The changes which led to the formulation of the new health policy include-Firstly, Health Priorities are changing. The second important change in context is the emergence of a robust health care industry growing at 15% compound annual growth rate (CAGR). Thirdly, incidence of catastrophic expenditure due to health care costs is growing and is now being estimated to be one of the major contributors to poverty. Fourthly, economic growth has increased the fiscal capacity available. Therefore, the country needs a new health policy that is responsive to these contextual changes.

There has always been a lingering question so as to make Right to Health as a fundamental right similar to right to education. There are many developing nations which have made significant progress towards universal health coverage like Brazil and Thailand because they have in place a law which advocates health as a right. To reach to the conclusion as to make health a fundamental right, the draft national health policy proposes the following formulation- “the Center shall enact, after due discussion and on the request of three or more States a National Health Rights Act, which will ensure health as a fundamental right, whose denial will be justiciable.

Therefore, such a policy resolution would be a right signal to give a push for more public health expenditure as well as for the recognition of health as a basic human right, and its realization as goal that the nation must set itself.

10.   What are the major proposals of draft National Education Policy, 2016 towards Right to Education? Do you think that these proposals conflict with the intent of the RTE act? Examine Critically.

The major proposals of the draft National Education Policy, 2016 are:

1. Focus on Pre-school Education.
2. Curriculum Renewal and Examination Reforms
3. Learning outcomes in School Education, wherein norms for learning outcomes will be developed and applied uniformly to both private and government schools.
4. School Education
5. Protection of Rights of the Child & Adolescent Education
6. Inclusive Education and Student Support
7. Literacy and Lifelong Learning
8. Skills in Education and Employability
9. Use of ICT in Education
10. Teacher Development and Management
11. Language and Culture in Education

There are several recommendations in the NEP 2016 which will call for amendment to the RTE Act.

Some of the imbalances include-

• The draft NEP proposes merging of small, non-viable schools. This however clashes RTE’s concept of neighborhood schools which must be located within one kilometer for children attending classes 1-5.
• NEP talks about school mapping which is in totally opposition of RTE’s concept of child mapping but stresses that transportation must be arranged for children attending non-viable schools.
• The proposal to extend the 25 per cent economically weaker section quota in private schools to minority institutions will also need an amendment. The committee notes that number of schools claiming religious or linguistic minority status has increased tremendously. The proposal to extend the 25 per cent economically weaker section quota in private schools to minority institutions will also need an amendment. The committee notes that number of schools claiming religious or linguistic minority status has increased tremendously.The policy talks about extending 25 percent quotas for economically weaker section which is applicable in private schools to minority institutions.
• The RTE bans grade repetition till class VIII whereas the draft NEP wants to limit till Class V.

11.    In recent times, arbitration has emerged as a preferred option to settle commercial disputes in India. What efforts have been made to make this option more “user friendly” in addition to reduction of cost? Discuss.

Arbitration in India has been identified as an effective means to achieve equitable solutions more quickly than litigation, and at less cost; it allows parties to adopt whatever procedure they choose for the resolution of differences; it enables parties to decide where disputes shall be heard. India has a legal framework in place for conducting arbitration and has also adopted international norms in this regard by the statutory adoption of the UNCITRAL Model Law for international commercial arbitration and the UNCITRAL Rules of Arbitration, with relevant modifications to fit into its institutional framework.
Furthermore, India is also a party to the New York Convention (on enforcement of arbitration awards) allowing arbitral awards to be enforced by the Courts in almost any country around the world.

India has a comprehensive, contemporary and progressive legal framework to support international commercial arbitration that is on a par with that of the world’s leading arbitration institutions. Party autonomy and maximum judicial support with minimum judicial intervention are the abiding features of the New Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996, which provides for maximum judicial support of arbitration and minimal intervention.

12.    Why it is alleged that Article 355 merely justifies action under articles 352 and 356? To what extent, it is justified? Discuss critically.

Article 355 entrusts the duty upon Union to protect the states against “external aggression” and “internal disturbance” to ensure that the government of every State is carried on in accordance with the provisions of Constitution.

Although this article has been seldom used; it is seen as an instrument to justify imposition of emergency under articles 352 and 356.

While article 352 empowers the centre to impose emergency when an armed rebellion occurs, such proclamation cannot be for internal disturbance – thus said SC in SR Bommai Case. So, Supreme Court interpretation was that article 355 itself does not give power to centre to impose emergency because mere internal disturbance short of armed rebellion cannot justify a proclamation of emergency under Art. 352 nor can such disturbance justify issuance of proclamation under Art. 356 unless it disables or prevents carrying on of the Government of the State in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

On the basis of this, the constitutional validity of AFSPA was upheld which allows the centre to send armed forces in disturbed area. Further, Sarkaria Commission also expressed view that article 355 not only imposes duty on the Union but also grants it, by necessary implication, the power of doing all such acts and employing such means as are reasonably necessary for the effective perfor­mance of that duty. Thus saying that Article 355 merely justifies action under articles 352 and 356 is not justified.

13.    Make a comparative account of ordinance making power of the President of India and Governor of States. What safeguards are there against possible misuse of these powers? Explain.

Ordinance Making Powers of the President of India (Article 123):

• The President gets the powers only when the Parliament is not functioning. Even if one house of Parliament is not functioning, the President can pass on ordinance.
• The President has powers to pass ordinance on the matters on which the Parliament has powers.
• The Councils of Ministers should suggest the passing of an ordinance on such matters. The President himself should be satisfied about the need for the ordinance and he cannot be compelled.
• Once an ordinance is passed, it should be placed before both the Houses of Parliament and approved by then within six weeks of their respective dates of reassembly.
• The ordinance lapses if it is not approved within the aforesaid six weeks or if it is rejected earlier or if the President himself withdraws the ordinance.

Safeguards with respect to A-123:

• The parliament has the power to disapprove the provisions of the ordinance.
• It may be withdrawn by the President.
• It shall cease to operate if not passed by the both Houses.
• It may be withdrawn before the period of six weeks by passing resolution disapproving it.

Ordinance Making Power of the Governor: (Article 213)

• If at any time, when the legislative assembly of the state is not in session, or where there is a legislative council in the state, when both houses of legislature are not in session and the Governor satisfies that it is necessary to make law then he can promulgate ordinances.
• The Governor has powers to pass ordinance on the matters on which the legislative assembly has powers.
• Once an ordinance is passed, it should be placed before Legislative assembly of the state or where there is a legislative council, before both the houses and approved by then within six weeks of their respective dates of reassembly.
• The ordinance lapses if it is not approved within the aforesaid six weeks or if it is rejected earlier or if the Governor himself withdraws the ordinance.

Safeguards with respect to A-213

The Governor shall not promulgate any ordinance without the instruction from president in the following cases:

• If a bill containing the same provisions which requires the previous sanction of the president.
• If the Governor would have deemed it necessary to reserve the bill for the previous consideration of the president.
• If an act contains same provisions which has been reserved for the consideration of the president.

14.   What are the major issues concerned with the Election finance reforms in India? While keeping Election Commission’s transparency guidelines of 2014 in focus, provide suggestions towards election finance reforms in the country.

Major issues concerned with the Election finance reforms include –

• Limits on political contributions and party and candidate expenditure.
• Disclosure norms and requirements.
• State funding of elections.

The ECI issued transparency guidelines under Article 324 of the Constitution on October 2014 after consultation with all the recognized political parties.

The recommendations that can be drawn from the guidelines include:

• The payment of any election expenditure over Rs. 20,000 should be made by the political parties via cheque or draft, and not by cash, unless there are no banking facilities or the payment is made to a party functionary in lieu of salary or reimbursement.
• On election expenses by unrecognised parties- Although not required by law to submit their election expenditures to the ECI, unrecognised parties are required under these guideless to file their expenditure statements with the Chief Electoral Officer of the State in which the party headquarters are located.
• On giving money to candidates- Although there is no cap on expenditure by political parties for propagating their program, parties are required to adhere to the cap prescribed in section 77(3), RPA and Rule 90, Election Rules while providing “financial assistance” to candidates in their election campaigns. These amounts should be paid only by a crossed account payee cheque or draft or bank transfer, and not by cash.
• On accounts and audit- All parties are required to maintain books of accounts based on the guidance note issued by the Institute of Chartered Accountants of India to enable the calculation of their party income.

15.    What are the grounds of disqualification of a Member of Parliament from either House? Which kind of cases regarding disqualifications for membership of either House of parliament is decided by the President? Explain.

The constitution of India has provided under article 102, that a member of parliament will be disqualified for membership if:

• He holds any office of profit under the Union or state government (except that of a minister or any other office exempted by Parliament).
• He is of unsound mind and stands so declared by a court.
• He is an undischarged insolvent.
• He has ceased to be a citizen of India.
• He is disqualified under any other law by parliament.

The last condition above led the parliament to include some other conditions for disqualification in Representation of People Act (1951).  These are as follows:

• He must not have been found guilty of certain election offences and corrupt practices.
• He must not have been convicted for any offence that results in imprisonment for two or more years. However, detention under preventive detention law is not disqualification.
• He must not have failed to lodge an account of election expenses within stipulated time.
• He must not have any interest in government contracts, works and services.
• He must not be a director or managing personnel in a company / organization in which government has at least 25% share.
• He must not have been dismissed from government service due to corruption or disloyalty to state.
• He must not have been convicted for promoting enmity between groups.
• He must not have been punished for supporting social crimes such as untouchability, sati, dowry etc.

The question whether a member is subject to disqualification in all other matters except under 10th schedule (disqualification) is decided by President. However, President should obtain the opinion of the election commission before taking such decision.

16.   How the current Baloch National Movement is different from the “liberation movement” in Bangladesh in 1970s? Do you agree with the view that India should take “proactive” steps in the Baloch national movement, like it had in Bangladesh? Opine.

Unlike Bangladesh, where the public sentiment was harnessed by a political leadership and transformed into a mass-movement, in Balochistan there is only an upsurge in favour of separatism but no political direction to translate this into reality. One glaring obstacle in the path of a national movement in Balochistan is the structure of society. Despite the fact that the insurgency is today more bottom-up rather than top-down like in the 1970’s, the tribal chiefs continue to be one of the biggest obstructions in the path of the aspirations of the people. While some of the tribal chiefs – most notably, Brahmdagh Bugti, Hairbyar Marri and his brother, Ghazain – are believed to be in the vanguard of the movement, or are at least poster boys of the separatists, the ballast for Baloch nationalism is coming from the middle-classes.

As things stand, unless the Baloch nationalists are able to get their act together and set aside their petty differences in pursuit of ‘achievable nationhood’ within Pakistan or without, it will be only a matter of time before this latest upsurge in Balochistan will be brutally crushed.

I think India should remain on the sidelines as it would not be a good sign to alienate an immediate neighbour. Moreover a divided Pakistan with too many power centres would be harmful for India in the long run.

17.    What are problems underlying the jurisdiction of International Court of Justice? Can the decisions of International Court of Justice be enforced? Discuss.

Member parties to the ICJ are free to accept or reject the compulsory jurisdiction of the Court, which undermines the authority of the ICJ to adjudicate relevant international issues of fact and law. Four out of the five permanent members of the Security Council have exercised this choice by rejecting the compulsory jurisdiction of the court. By so doing, these powerful member parties have ‘watered down’ the influence of the Court and encouraged a continuous erosion of its powers and influence. This trend, no doubt, will continue to contribute to the decline of the influence of the Court as long as countries that have a powerful global presence continue to set a bad precedent by choosing not to adhere to the Court’s compulsory jurisdiction.

The present situation whereby the member states are entitled to cherry-pick the jurisdiction of the court has contributed in no small measure to the watering-down of the prestige of the Court’s jurisdiction. As discussed above, jurisdiction should be mandatory if the ICJ is to adjudicate pressing international issues. Of particular concern is the current situation whereby four of the five permanent members of the Security Council have rejected the compulsory jurisdiction of the court.

18.   Examine various mechanisms provided in World Trade Organisation to settle Trade Disputes, with emphasis on disputes involving India.

Ever since its establishment in 1995, the WTO is doing a commendable work is settling trade disputes among the member countries. There is no favour for big or developed countries, no favour for political super weights etc. under WTO. The institution is most respected for its dispute settlement mechanism. For the discharge of dispute settlement responsibilities, the General Council of the WTO has rules and procedures which are contained in the Dispute Settlement Understandings (DSU).  Based on the DSU legal framework, the responsibility of dispute settlement is done by the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB).

The main authorities and responsibilities of the DSB are:

• -To establish dispute settlement panels.
• -To adopt panel and Appellate Body reports.
• -To maintain surveillance of implementation of rulings and recommendations.
• -To authorize the suspension of obligations under the covered agreements of the DSU.

Recently, The WTO’s appeals judges upheld an earlier ruling that found India had broken WTO rules by requiring solar power developers to use Indian-made cells and modules. The appeal ruling is final and India will be expected to bring its laws into compliance with the WTO rules.

19.   What do you understand by so called “geo-strategic zones”? What is their relevence in today’s era of globalization? Can South Asia be called an independent geostrategic zone? Why? Discuss.

Geostrategy is the geographic direction of a state’s foreign policy. More precisely, geostrategy describes where a state concentrates its efforts by projecting military power and directing diplomatic activity. The underlying assumption is that states have limited resources and are unable, even if they are willing, to conduct an all-out foreign policy.

South Asia cannot be called independent geo-strategic zone. Countries of the region have different security and strategic outlook. These are governed by geographical location of each of the countries of the region and state of their economic health impinges on the way that these countries look at various strategic issues. Source of their threat perceptions are not confined to its geo-strategic space of South Asia, it is rather transnational. South Asia also does not act as a coherent geographical entity. For that matter no region can be called an independent geo-strategic zone.

Politically and strategically it cannot be called as an independent geo-strategic zone. Countries of South Asia do not share a common strategic and security vision. There are two important countries i.e. US and China are deeply involved in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Chinese close defence tie with Pakistan is also aimed at India. Most of the countries have different perceptions on the role of US and China in this region.

In a globalizing world, independent geo-strategic zone are neither possible nor viable. Interests of the countries are overlapping and they have to pursue an overarching policy that takes into consideration dynamics of international politics.

20.  Critically examine the foreign policy of the NDA Government, comparing it with the previous UPA Government at centre. Do you see any structural changes in India’s foreign policy during two years of current government? Substantiate.

When it comes to the Foreign Policy of India, we all can see a proactive government role played by the current government. The current NDA Government major focus lies in bettering India’s ties with not only its immediate neighbours but globally.

Look East Policy of the UPA government has changed to the Act East Policy, as after 1991 Indian government felt a need to Look for the Eastern world, who was emerging as the rising economy, but when ASEAN is making a competition to the EU or similar organization, the government felt a need to “Act East”, which is making a deep of the Indian trade relations with the rising economies such as Singapore & Indonesia.

External Affairs Ministry published a booklet called “Fast Track Diplomacy”. Since taking office the External Affairs Minister held a round-table meeting with all Indian heads of missions to the SAARC region, ASEAN region, and the Middle East separately as a follow-up measure to carry forward the leads gained by high profile visits and exchanges.

Team Modi came with an innovative idea by the introduction of elements of para-diplomacy in India’s foreign policy, where each state and cities would be encouraged to forge special relation with countries or federal states of another country or even cities of their interest in order.